Having a Voice in Redevelopment

Over the past few years, we have worked with Strategic Actions for a Just Economy on supporting long-term campaigns addressing community impact of redevelopment agency decisions – one to secure affordable housing and living wage jobs in the face of the University of Southern California’s (USC) persistent expansion into the neighborhood community, and another to reform Los Angeles redevelopment policy to work for – rather than against – the interests of low-income residents. As part of this ongoing struggle, we are now working with SAJE’s Figueroa Corridor Coalition for Economic Justice on a new campaign. The Figueroa Corridor is a 40-block strip between USC and the Staples Center. USC has decided to build a sports arena in this area and the Coalition wants to ensure that the millions of development dollars that will be spent have tangible benefits for the low-income people who live in the surrounding neighborhoods. To help the Coalition negotiate a stakeholder’s voice in future USC planning, we are researching Payment in Lieu of Taxes (PILOT) programs around the country to document “best practices” mitigating university impact upon local communities. We are also researching “Town and Gown” agreements, to document “best practices” for community/college relationships. In addition to providing research, we have been participating in campaign strategy meetings.

Taxi workers movementThe New York Taxi Workers Alliance fights for a living wage, health benefits, and safe working conditions for drivers, who are often at the mercy of wealthy taxi owners and the Taxi and Limousine Commission. The DataCenter has been helping NYTWA research the finances and connections within the taxi industry.

According to a 2003 survey (1), New York City taxi drivers paid an average of $137 per day in operating expenses (to lease their cab and medallion, and buy gas and insurance), while earning $160 per day on average. Drivers’ take home pay averaged $22 per day.

Last April, the NYTWA petitioned the city to lower lease caps and raise taxi fares, with the purpose of securing a living wage for drivers that takes into account NYC’s cost of living and the high risks and long work hours of the job. Lease caps are the maximum amount that taxi companies can charge drivers to rent the medallion and taxicab. The Alliance also demanded compensation for losses following the September 11, 2001 disaster and record-high gas prices.
After a year-long campaign, NYTWA won a victory in March when the Taxi and Limousine Commission increased taxi fares by 26%, the first increase since 1996. For the first time in the taxi industry, the bulk of the fare raise revenue will go toward drivers’ wages, increasing their incomes by 20-40%. In 1996, drivers received only 14% of the fare increase. In 2004, due to NYTWA’s organizing, 60-75% of the fare increase will go toward driver incomes. NYTWA also defeated the taxi owners’ proposal to raise the caps on leases by 23%. The Commission agreed to only an 8% increase, limiting the increase to about $100 per week.

1- Conducted by Urban Justice Center for New York Taxi Workers Alliance. Survey findings reported in Unfare: Taxi Drivers and the Cost of Moving the City (32 pages, pdf).

dfz march

Displacement Free Zone, 2003. Photo: Robin Doyno.

Earlier this year, we highlighted our work with Strategic Actions for a Just Economy, supporting campaigns to reform Los Angeles redevelopment policy to work for—rather than against—the interests of low-income residents, with the goals of securing affordable housing and living wage jobs. (see Spring 2004 projects). We are happy to report that SAJE’s Figueroa Corridor Coalition for Economic Justice has made great progress!

The Figueroa Corridor is a 40-block strip between USC and the Staples Center. USC is building a basketball arena here and the Coalition has tied the millions of development dollars being spent to the housing needs of the neighborhood. The University’s lack of student housing, combined with a Los Angeles housing crisis, puts students and working-class families in fierce competition, often leading to evictions of families by unscrupulous landlords seeking higher rents from students.

The Coalition has brought these issues to the forefront in numerous public hearings and in the press. As a result, a Student Community Housing Coalition has been established on campus and articles about housing have become a regular feature in USC’s Daily Trojan newspaper. USC is in negotiations with three private developers to build several thousand units of student housing, and it initiated legal action against a property management company that was using the University’s name and logo to promote activities that displace neighborhood families. The Coalition is engaging with USC administrators in a collaborative process to incorporate community services, and potentially family housing, into a USC-owned multi-acre commercial site adjacent to campus.

dwutshirtcropSince the abolition of institutionalized slavery, domestic workers have been invisible, exploited and left out of labor protections and the labor movement. Their labor has rarely been recognized by lawmakers or society at large as “real work.” However, in global cities like New York, the domestic work industry is expanding, providing childcare and home care while their employers go to work. Today, the New York City economy is supported by one of the largest domestic worker labor forces in the country. Still, working conditions have improved little since the 1860s. Once a field for predominantly African American women, the domestic work industry is now dominated by immigrant women fleeing the widespread destruction and devastation left by the globalization process in the Third World. Domestic workers, especially live-in workers, work long hours, have little job security, and no control over living or working conditions. Domestic workers are isolated in their workplace, forced to negotiate conditions one-on-one with employers. There are no clear standards for domestic employment and the few protections that exist are rarely enforced.

Domestic Workers United is an alliance of domestic workers and domestic worker organizations working to build power among domestic workers, raise the level of respect for domestic work and establish fair labor standards in the domestic work industry of New York City. DWU has initiated a campaign to amend New York State Labor Law to ensure domestic workers receive living wages and fair benefits, are protected from trafficking, recognized as employees and entitled to protections under state labor law and human rights law.

Because the domestic work industry is fragmented, informal and underground, it is impossible to rely on Census or labor data to analyse industry-wide trends. DWU and DataCenter are collaborating on a community documentation project to gather data on practices and issues within the industry. Using a participatory, community-based research model, the project engages domestic workers in all aspects of the research and analysis. The documentation project will be used in organizing, policy and media work to improve conditions for domestic workers.

For further information contact Domestic Workers United.

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Farm WorkersFarm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC) workers and their allies emerged victorious from a 5-year national boycott of Mount Olive Pickle Company, winning union representation and higher wages for more than 8000 cucumber pickers brought to North Carolina farms through the federal H-2A visa program. The agreement between FLOC, the North Carolina Growers Association and Mount Olive Pickle Company represents another success in holding major food packaging corporations responsible for the working conditions of the farm laborers who supply their vegetables.

Farm workers are among the most vulnerable laborers inthe United States. Federal legislation excludes them from many rights most other workers enjoy—a minimum wage, overtime pay and the ability to engage in collective bargaining.

Responding to growers’ attempts to lower labor costs by increasing acreage in the South, Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC) began an organizing campaign among North Carolina cucumber pickers in 1997. Mount Olive Pickle Company, the cucumber growers’ biggest client and the second largest pickle company in the U.S., has almost total control over the growing process, from supplying the seeds to determining the crop price. However, the company refused to be accountable for the abymsal working conditions pickers faced: overcrowded and substandard housing, a lack of portable toilets or hand-washing facilities in the workplace, and wages far below the poverty line. In 1999, FLOC decided to conduct a national boycott to force Mount Olive to negotiate a multi-party agreement between the union, the growers and the processor.

DataCenter provided campaign research support to FLOC in 1999 and again this year as the organizing campaign gathered more workers’ signatures daily, and the boycott increased its support from a growing number of interfaith communities, worker alliances and community-based organizations. Even grocers carrying Mount Olive pickles called upon the company to negotiate. Under pressure of a broadening boycott movement, Mount Olive indicated a willingness to hold discussions with workers’ representatives.

Mount Olive Pickle Co. promised to raise the price it pays growers by 10 percent over three years, while growers said they will increase workers wages by the same amount. The growers association also agreed to study how to improve housing and health care for the farm workers.

For further information see Farm Labor Organizing Committee AFL-CIO

All Peoples Power Summit

allpeoplespowerpeaksYoung people from environmental justice communities around the U.S. and abroad converged in Flagstaff, Arizona at the base of the sacred mountain known as the San Francisco Peaks for the ALL PEOPLES POWER SUMMIT: Building Communities of Hope, Strength, and Sustainability in July. Hosted by the Black Mesa Water Coalition, a grassroots coalition of Navajo and Hopi youths and young adults working together for environmental justice, the Summit took place at the site of one of the most heated sacred land-protection struggles in North America today.

DataCenter’s Environmental Justice Team, with support from the Youth Strategy Project, helped plan, outreach, as well as conduct workshops to build youth leaders’ capacities to wage effective actions to fight for environmental justice in their home communities. The three days of programs included trainings, discussions, dancing, hip-hop, poetry, and cultural sharing.

infoisorangeKeynote speaker Winona Laduke emphasized the importance of information in the hands of our communities fighting for environmental justice. At a DataCenter popular education workshop “research-for-action: Building an Effective Campaign to Win!,” participants practiced developing a research plan rooted in a community environmental justice agenda. A power mapping workshop also led by DataCenter helped participants visualize the power relations that must be altered through their campaigns.

The DataCenter provides research and strategic campaign planning support for the Navajo community-led efforts around the campaign to save the San Francisco Peaks. For more information about the campaign, please see www.savethepeaks.org.

pueblameso

The Plan Puebla Panama (PPP) is an estimated $10 billion, 10 to 25 year regional integration project to create and interconnect transportation routes, industrial corridors and a variety of infrastructure projects throughout southern Mexico and Central America, and firmly root the global ‘free trade” agenda in the region. This booklet unmasks the lies of “development” that the PPP promises. It features articles by peopleand organizations in Central America, Mexico, and the United States. Produced by the Network Opposed to Plan Puebla Panama (No-PPP), of which DataCenter is a member.

41 pages, PDF, requires free Adobe Acrobat®Reader.

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bayareaPacket

Policy recommendations and supporting information to end discrimination against people who have been in prison. Produced by All of Us or None, DataCenter and East Bay Community Law Center for series of Bay Area Peace & Justice Community Summits.
12 pages, PDF, requires free Adobe Acrobat®Reader.


Download East Bay Briefing Packet

Download San Francsico Briefing Packet
Download East Palo Alto Briefing Packet
Download Bay Area Briefing Packet
(14 pages, compilation)

justiceDetained

Documents the economic and emotional hardship that deportations cause to families left behind, and recommends specific legislative changes to Illegal Immigration and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA). Produced by Asian & Pacific Islander Youth Promoting Advocacy & Leadership and DataCenter.
23 pages, PDF, requires free Adobe Acrobat®Reader.

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Oakland Takeover

Greetings from the Youth Strategy Project of the DataCenter!

Working with so many youth organizations around the nation doing educational justice work on the local level, YSP has been observing common patterns of school reforms on the national level. Folks already know high school exit exams and school takeovers arent just happening on a local/state level but on a national and even federal level; the Bush Administration’s No Child Left Behind Act recommends state takeovers as a solution to low-performing (majority people of color) schools and other means of dismantling public education. The educational reformists behind these recent trends are ten steps ahead of us and certainly don’t listen to community voices. Folks doing work on the ground know this, but for the most part, most orgs dont have the capacity to get into it.

With this in mind, YSP is conducting a series of in-depth research on national educational trends to build basic awareness & understanding on these issues, but also to hopefully help folks to identify targets, strategy & tactics for your local campaigns and to make those national connections.

Attached is our first attempt at looking at school takeovers in California. This is specific to Oakland, but is deeply connected to larger national educational trends of incapacitating public education and disenfranchising poor and people of color communities. The majority of urban school districts throughout the nation already have had mayoral takeovers at the very least (including Chicago, Boston, Baltimore, DC and New York). And an influential liberalminded education reform foundation (The Broad Foundation) and proponent of takeovers has successfully placed superintendents in major urban school districts throughout the nation.

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